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.Herrscherethos, pp.51 3; forFortunatus s carm.VI.2 (ed.Leo, pp.131 4), see also Judith George s excellent notesto her translation in Venantius Fortunatus: Personal and Political Poems (Liverpool, 1995),pp.34 8; and note that the only extant copy of the acts of the council of Clichy(626/7), where the address to Chlothar II includes the phrase velut illi David et regniimperium (Concilia Galliae A.511 A.695, ed.de Clercq, p.291), is in the late-eighth-century Salzburg manuscript, Munich clm.5508 (CLA IX, 1247).The principal ref-erences to the OT.King David in Isidore are collected in Anton, Fürstenspiegel u.Herrscherethos, pp.56, 59; for Papal letters (all in the Codex Carolinus) in which KingPippin I and his achievements are compared with David, see MGH Epist.III, pp.505, 540 (anointed and the founder of a dynasty), 552 etc.; Cathwulf: MGH Epist.IV, pp.502 5.Despite Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship, p.77 and Indexs.v.(p.155), Bede s commentary In Samuelem I, ed.D.Hurst (CCSL 119, pp.226 70)has nothing on David s (as distinct from Saul s) kingship, while custos capitis (I Sm28.2; Bede cit., p.253) is simply our bodyguard and unlikely to have the furtherassociations suggested there; and the name of David does not occur in HE exceptin Pope Gregory s responses to Augustine and in two quotations from Adomnan saccount of the Holy Places.117S.-K.nos 17446 17452 are couplets or short poems which begin Vive Deo felix,all but two of them signing off letters written by Alcuin; the exceptions are respec-tively in Theodulf s Bibles and the earliest of all the conclusion of the uniqueletter from Archbishop Ælberht-Coena to Lul (above, ch.2).A letter to Pippin in796, ep.no.119, concludes with four lines of verse beginning Vive Deo florens (S.-K.no.17453). bullough/f5/331-431 8/27/03 9:19 AM Page 369between two courts 369princesses, Queen Fastrada, no letter exists.118 The personal collec-tion preserves a much longer and more elaborate letter to the king s much loved sister Gisla, abbess of the Merovingian-founded dou-ble-monastery at Chelles, which was evidently writtten during thelast months or even weeks of Alcuin s stay.119 Referring in his ini-tial exordium to being cheered by your friendly good feelings orperhaps even prayerful good feelings (tuae familiaritatis pietate) , Alcuinrecalls that he had made a pactum caritatis with her, expressed sub-sequently in supportive prayer.120 The declared hope that he willsoon be in her presence, together with the rhetorical expression ofhis compliments on the education from which she has benefittedsince her earliest years and the assumption that she is a regularreader of both the Scriptures and their Patristic commentators (doc-tores), shows that his relationship with Gisla was on a different planefrom that with the royal children.But it is also very different fromthat with male members of the Court: neither here nor in subsequentletters, even when he had been encouraged to expressions of greaterwarmth, did he use the familiar language of friendship a con-straint imposed, it may be, by her sex rather than her royal blood.121118Charles s own letter to Fastrada, MGH Epist.IV, pp.528 9 (uniquely in theSt.-Denis manuscript, Paris BNF lat.2777, the source also of the Cathwulf letter)of autumn/winter 791, complaining that she has not written to him, shows thather step-daughters were with her at Regensburg while the king was at the front.Note that although the letter reports the performance of litanies, penitential fasting(with the possibility of monetary commutation) etc.by the royal host, and recom-mends that the queen should consult with her court about what similar actionsthey should take, it does not include a single Biblical citation.119Ep.no.15.The early history of the house is summarized in F.Prinz, FrühesMönchtum im Frankenreich, 2nd edn (Munich, 1988), pp.174 5; manuscripts (over-whelmingly Patristic) identifiable as probably written there in the eighth and early-ninth centuries were the subject of a seminal study by B.Bischoff, Die KölnerNonnenhandschriften und das Skriptorium von Chelles , MaSt 1, 16 34.The early-Carolingian Vita Bertilae (MGH SSRM VI, pp.5 109) could well have been com-posed during Gisla s abbacy; it is acceptable evidence that the community was stilla double one (monk-priests and nuns).120On Alcuin s vocabulary for reciprocal prayer in early letters, see above, ch.2,p.315 n.198.For his use of pietas, compare above, n.115.121So McGuire, Friendship, pp.125 6.But his assertion (p.125) that Like hisanglo-saxon predecessors [Alcuin] did not use the word amicitia in addressing womenis mistaken.Writing to the pious woman Hundrada at the Mercian royal court(ep.no.62), he declares that from her greetings and gifts in te agnovi condictç olimamicitiae bonum abundare memoriam; and in a later letter to Gisla (ep.no.216 of 801),having recalled that semper ab initio cognitionis vestrae optime nostris partibus vestrum boni-tatem fidelem invenimus, Alcuin continues by thanking God who has granted him tamindignis, tam clarae dignitatis et tam probatae fidei.amicitiam. bullough/f5/331-431 8/27/03 9:19 AM Page 370370 chapter threeNotably different, and unusual on several counts, is a letter addressedto a high-ranking layman jointly with his wife, regrettably unnamed.Its manuscript context, in the early part of the English Tiberius col-lection immediately before a letter to a Mercian abbot, Alcuin s claimthat other peoples reports of their qualities have been confirmedrecently by direct acquaintance with them (a nobismetipsis novissimeexperte fuerunt), his remark that among the benefits to be derived fromtheir mutual affection is seculare subsidium apparently material reward,not merely moral support and the letter s explicitly admonitorycharacter: all might seem to point to a Northumbrian locus, therecipient being among the potentes with whom Alcuin tried to workin 790.This would, indeed, give real point to his further commentthat while it is right to serve an earthly king devotedly, seculare servi-tium is often uncertain and is terminated by death, unlike service tothe Heavenly King.However, the head-note reads epistola.ad quen-dam ducem et ad uxorem illius in Francia; and Alcuin s defensiveness(which I do not find elsewhere in his writings) about giving adviceas a foreigner, alienigena, someone who was subject to a different law yet Moses listened to the Midianite Jethro, whose daughterhad borne him a son called Gershom a stranger in a foreign land(advena in terra aliena) confirms this [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
zanotowane.pl doc.pisz.pl pdf.pisz.pl matkasanepid.xlx.pl
.Herrscherethos, pp.51 3; forFortunatus s carm.VI.2 (ed.Leo, pp.131 4), see also Judith George s excellent notesto her translation in Venantius Fortunatus: Personal and Political Poems (Liverpool, 1995),pp.34 8; and note that the only extant copy of the acts of the council of Clichy(626/7), where the address to Chlothar II includes the phrase velut illi David et regniimperium (Concilia Galliae A.511 A.695, ed.de Clercq, p.291), is in the late-eighth-century Salzburg manuscript, Munich clm.5508 (CLA IX, 1247).The principal ref-erences to the OT.King David in Isidore are collected in Anton, Fürstenspiegel u.Herrscherethos, pp.56, 59; for Papal letters (all in the Codex Carolinus) in which KingPippin I and his achievements are compared with David, see MGH Epist.III, pp.505, 540 (anointed and the founder of a dynasty), 552 etc.; Cathwulf: MGH Epist.IV, pp.502 5.Despite Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship, p.77 and Indexs.v.(p.155), Bede s commentary In Samuelem I, ed.D.Hurst (CCSL 119, pp.226 70)has nothing on David s (as distinct from Saul s) kingship, while custos capitis (I Sm28.2; Bede cit., p.253) is simply our bodyguard and unlikely to have the furtherassociations suggested there; and the name of David does not occur in HE exceptin Pope Gregory s responses to Augustine and in two quotations from Adomnan saccount of the Holy Places.117S.-K.nos 17446 17452 are couplets or short poems which begin Vive Deo felix,all but two of them signing off letters written by Alcuin; the exceptions are respec-tively in Theodulf s Bibles and the earliest of all the conclusion of the uniqueletter from Archbishop Ælberht-Coena to Lul (above, ch.2).A letter to Pippin in796, ep.no.119, concludes with four lines of verse beginning Vive Deo florens (S.-K.no.17453). bullough/f5/331-431 8/27/03 9:19 AM Page 369between two courts 369princesses, Queen Fastrada, no letter exists.118 The personal collec-tion preserves a much longer and more elaborate letter to the king s much loved sister Gisla, abbess of the Merovingian-founded dou-ble-monastery at Chelles, which was evidently writtten during thelast months or even weeks of Alcuin s stay.119 Referring in his ini-tial exordium to being cheered by your friendly good feelings orperhaps even prayerful good feelings (tuae familiaritatis pietate) , Alcuinrecalls that he had made a pactum caritatis with her, expressed sub-sequently in supportive prayer.120 The declared hope that he willsoon be in her presence, together with the rhetorical expression ofhis compliments on the education from which she has benefittedsince her earliest years and the assumption that she is a regularreader of both the Scriptures and their Patristic commentators (doc-tores), shows that his relationship with Gisla was on a different planefrom that with the royal children.But it is also very different fromthat with male members of the Court: neither here nor in subsequentletters, even when he had been encouraged to expressions of greaterwarmth, did he use the familiar language of friendship a con-straint imposed, it may be, by her sex rather than her royal blood.121118Charles s own letter to Fastrada, MGH Epist.IV, pp.528 9 (uniquely in theSt.-Denis manuscript, Paris BNF lat.2777, the source also of the Cathwulf letter)of autumn/winter 791, complaining that she has not written to him, shows thather step-daughters were with her at Regensburg while the king was at the front.Note that although the letter reports the performance of litanies, penitential fasting(with the possibility of monetary commutation) etc.by the royal host, and recom-mends that the queen should consult with her court about what similar actionsthey should take, it does not include a single Biblical citation.119Ep.no.15.The early history of the house is summarized in F.Prinz, FrühesMönchtum im Frankenreich, 2nd edn (Munich, 1988), pp.174 5; manuscripts (over-whelmingly Patristic) identifiable as probably written there in the eighth and early-ninth centuries were the subject of a seminal study by B.Bischoff, Die KölnerNonnenhandschriften und das Skriptorium von Chelles , MaSt 1, 16 34.The early-Carolingian Vita Bertilae (MGH SSRM VI, pp.5 109) could well have been com-posed during Gisla s abbacy; it is acceptable evidence that the community was stilla double one (monk-priests and nuns).120On Alcuin s vocabulary for reciprocal prayer in early letters, see above, ch.2,p.315 n.198.For his use of pietas, compare above, n.115.121So McGuire, Friendship, pp.125 6.But his assertion (p.125) that Like hisanglo-saxon predecessors [Alcuin] did not use the word amicitia in addressing womenis mistaken.Writing to the pious woman Hundrada at the Mercian royal court(ep.no.62), he declares that from her greetings and gifts in te agnovi condictç olimamicitiae bonum abundare memoriam; and in a later letter to Gisla (ep.no.216 of 801),having recalled that semper ab initio cognitionis vestrae optime nostris partibus vestrum boni-tatem fidelem invenimus, Alcuin continues by thanking God who has granted him tamindignis, tam clarae dignitatis et tam probatae fidei.amicitiam. bullough/f5/331-431 8/27/03 9:19 AM Page 370370 chapter threeNotably different, and unusual on several counts, is a letter addressedto a high-ranking layman jointly with his wife, regrettably unnamed.Its manuscript context, in the early part of the English Tiberius col-lection immediately before a letter to a Mercian abbot, Alcuin s claimthat other peoples reports of their qualities have been confirmedrecently by direct acquaintance with them (a nobismetipsis novissimeexperte fuerunt), his remark that among the benefits to be derived fromtheir mutual affection is seculare subsidium apparently material reward,not merely moral support and the letter s explicitly admonitorycharacter: all might seem to point to a Northumbrian locus, therecipient being among the potentes with whom Alcuin tried to workin 790.This would, indeed, give real point to his further commentthat while it is right to serve an earthly king devotedly, seculare servi-tium is often uncertain and is terminated by death, unlike service tothe Heavenly King.However, the head-note reads epistola.ad quen-dam ducem et ad uxorem illius in Francia; and Alcuin s defensiveness(which I do not find elsewhere in his writings) about giving adviceas a foreigner, alienigena, someone who was subject to a different law yet Moses listened to the Midianite Jethro, whose daughterhad borne him a son called Gershom a stranger in a foreign land(advena in terra aliena) confirms this [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]