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.Coquery-Vidrovitch notes that82 Coquery-Vitrovitch, Africa, pp.70 71; also see Yves Person, Samori--unerévolution Dyula, 3 vols (Dakar: Institut Fondamental d Afrique Noire, 1968 75);H.Monoit, Rabih and J.-P.Chrétien, Mirambo, in Charles-André Julien, CatherineCoquery-Vitrovitch, Magaly Morsy, and Yves Person (eds), Les Africains, 12 vols (Paris:Jeune Afrique, 1977 78), vol.4, pp.285 309; vol.6, pp.129 57.83 Coquery-Vitrovitch, Africa, p.73; also see Shula Marks, Shaka Zulu, in Julienet al., Les Africains, vol.2, pp.279 309; E.V.Walter, Terror and Resistance: A Study ofPolitical Violence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969); McCaskie, State and Societyin Pre-Colonial Asante.84 See Mazi Elechukwu Nnadibuagha Njaka, Igbo Political Culture (Evanston,IL: Northwestern University Press, 1974); Emmanuel Edeh, Towards an Igbo Metaphysics(Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1985); also see Achebe, The Igbo World and Its Art, pp.62 7; P.C.Lloyd. Political And Social Structure, in S.O.Biobaku (ed.), Sources ofYoruba History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), pp.209 10; Gyekye, African PhilosophicalThought, pp.97, 148.85 See Wehrs, African Feminist Fiction and Indigenous Values, esp.pp.69 104; Gendering the Subject and Engendering the Self, pp.1 27; The Sensible, the Maternal,and the Ethical Beginnings of Feminist Islamic Discourse in Djebar s L Amour, la fantasiaand Loin de Médine, MLN 118 (2003): 841 66; Colonialism, Polyvocality, and Islam inL aventure ambiguë and Le devoir de violence, MLN 107 (1992): 1000 1027.86 See esp.de Moraes Farias, Models of the World and Categorical Models; Barbourand Jacobs, The Mi raj; and Hilliard, Zuhar al-Basatin and Ta rikh al-Turubbe. Ethical Life and Cognitive Imperialism 21when the British advocated the abolition of the slave trade and of human sacrificesin Ashanti [Asante] & they encountered a collective hostility for these rites werecentral expressions of the national culture.Similarly & in Dahomey the great feastsknown as the Customs, in which human sacrifices were offered, were & a basis forthe entire civilization.& The king was quite sincere when he replied to the Westernenvoys that the sacrifices were such a sacred duty that nothing could make him decideto dispense with them.87Anthony Giddens notes that pre-modern polities had limited means of surveillanceand administrative control, neither territorial integration (clear boundaries, asopposed to vague, shifting frontiers) nor a vertical integration of classes intoone people. 88 Such states were, as pre-colonial African history attests, nearlyalways at war, with war both consolidating and decomposing the state.89 Peoplewere exposed to direct violence (from raiding, conquest, subjugation, internallawlessness as in private armies, piracy, banditry) and were socially vulnerableto a much greater extent than citizens of modern states; by contrast, citizens inmodern states are much more exposed to the indirect violence of administrativepower and to indirect coercion from a capitalistic integration of political andeconomic life.90 To speak of indirect violence in this context does not imply thatcapitalism lacks violence, including recourse to direct methods: the British opiumwars and de facto child slavery in sweatshops are cases in point.Nonetheless, thedifference between daily exposure to death, abduction, robbery and daily exposureto administrative pressures is analytically and experientially significant.To the extent that the modern state and capitalism successfully distance theexercise of power from literal violence, they carry the promise of reducing, in anunprecedented way, a person s exposure to homicide, rape, pillage, subjugation,and plunder.At the same time, however, the modern state and capitalism extend,in unprecedented ways, the scope of indirect coercions.The colonial state inmany ways merged the worse of both systems, producing what Mamdani calls decentralized despotism, where reliance upon an ill-understood and sometimesfictional customary law allowed traditional forms of direct coercion bychiefs (appropriation of forced labor, distribution of land, exaction of tribute) toco-mingle with the modern state s indirect coercion (the need to pay head taxesforcing peasant men into migratory wage-labor).91 Western preoccupations withethnicity, which legitimated (even idealized) tradition, merged with racial87 Coquery-Vitrovitch, Africa, p.76.Also see Ivor Wilks, Asante in the NineteenthCentury (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975); McCaskie, State and Society inPre-Colonial Asante.88 Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence: Volume Two of a ContemporaryCritique of Historical Materialism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp.48,51 2.89 Ibid., pp.56 7.90 Ibid., p.67; also see Anthony Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of HistoricalMaterialism: Volume One: Power, Property, and the State (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress, 1981), pp.49 68, 90 108.91 Mamdani, Citizen and Subject, p.150. 22 Pre-Colonial Africa in Colonial African Narrativesassumptions that supported grasping the African as an object in need oftotal reformation.As Crawford Young remarks, [T]he creation of the Africancolonial state coincided with the historical zenith of virulent racism.The colonialconstruction of the African as savage other permeated all spheres of policythought. The material and psychological violence of racism helped create anexperience of the modern state as an external, predatory force what Youngcalls Bula Matari, crusher of rocks.This helped valorize, wittingly or not, whatYoung calls the integral state: [A] design of perfected hegemony, whereby thestate seeks to achieve unrestricted domination over civil society.Thus unfettered,the state is free to engage in rational pursuit of its design for the future and toreward the ruling class amply for its governance [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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.Coquery-Vidrovitch notes that82 Coquery-Vitrovitch, Africa, pp.70 71; also see Yves Person, Samori--unerévolution Dyula, 3 vols (Dakar: Institut Fondamental d Afrique Noire, 1968 75);H.Monoit, Rabih and J.-P.Chrétien, Mirambo, in Charles-André Julien, CatherineCoquery-Vitrovitch, Magaly Morsy, and Yves Person (eds), Les Africains, 12 vols (Paris:Jeune Afrique, 1977 78), vol.4, pp.285 309; vol.6, pp.129 57.83 Coquery-Vitrovitch, Africa, p.73; also see Shula Marks, Shaka Zulu, in Julienet al., Les Africains, vol.2, pp.279 309; E.V.Walter, Terror and Resistance: A Study ofPolitical Violence (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969); McCaskie, State and Societyin Pre-Colonial Asante.84 See Mazi Elechukwu Nnadibuagha Njaka, Igbo Political Culture (Evanston,IL: Northwestern University Press, 1974); Emmanuel Edeh, Towards an Igbo Metaphysics(Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1985); also see Achebe, The Igbo World and Its Art, pp.62 7; P.C.Lloyd. Political And Social Structure, in S.O.Biobaku (ed.), Sources ofYoruba History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), pp.209 10; Gyekye, African PhilosophicalThought, pp.97, 148.85 See Wehrs, African Feminist Fiction and Indigenous Values, esp.pp.69 104; Gendering the Subject and Engendering the Self, pp.1 27; The Sensible, the Maternal,and the Ethical Beginnings of Feminist Islamic Discourse in Djebar s L Amour, la fantasiaand Loin de Médine, MLN 118 (2003): 841 66; Colonialism, Polyvocality, and Islam inL aventure ambiguë and Le devoir de violence, MLN 107 (1992): 1000 1027.86 See esp.de Moraes Farias, Models of the World and Categorical Models; Barbourand Jacobs, The Mi raj; and Hilliard, Zuhar al-Basatin and Ta rikh al-Turubbe. Ethical Life and Cognitive Imperialism 21when the British advocated the abolition of the slave trade and of human sacrificesin Ashanti [Asante] & they encountered a collective hostility for these rites werecentral expressions of the national culture.Similarly & in Dahomey the great feastsknown as the Customs, in which human sacrifices were offered, were & a basis forthe entire civilization.& The king was quite sincere when he replied to the Westernenvoys that the sacrifices were such a sacred duty that nothing could make him decideto dispense with them.87Anthony Giddens notes that pre-modern polities had limited means of surveillanceand administrative control, neither territorial integration (clear boundaries, asopposed to vague, shifting frontiers) nor a vertical integration of classes intoone people. 88 Such states were, as pre-colonial African history attests, nearlyalways at war, with war both consolidating and decomposing the state.89 Peoplewere exposed to direct violence (from raiding, conquest, subjugation, internallawlessness as in private armies, piracy, banditry) and were socially vulnerableto a much greater extent than citizens of modern states; by contrast, citizens inmodern states are much more exposed to the indirect violence of administrativepower and to indirect coercion from a capitalistic integration of political andeconomic life.90 To speak of indirect violence in this context does not imply thatcapitalism lacks violence, including recourse to direct methods: the British opiumwars and de facto child slavery in sweatshops are cases in point.Nonetheless, thedifference between daily exposure to death, abduction, robbery and daily exposureto administrative pressures is analytically and experientially significant.To the extent that the modern state and capitalism successfully distance theexercise of power from literal violence, they carry the promise of reducing, in anunprecedented way, a person s exposure to homicide, rape, pillage, subjugation,and plunder.At the same time, however, the modern state and capitalism extend,in unprecedented ways, the scope of indirect coercions.The colonial state inmany ways merged the worse of both systems, producing what Mamdani calls decentralized despotism, where reliance upon an ill-understood and sometimesfictional customary law allowed traditional forms of direct coercion bychiefs (appropriation of forced labor, distribution of land, exaction of tribute) toco-mingle with the modern state s indirect coercion (the need to pay head taxesforcing peasant men into migratory wage-labor).91 Western preoccupations withethnicity, which legitimated (even idealized) tradition, merged with racial87 Coquery-Vitrovitch, Africa, p.76.Also see Ivor Wilks, Asante in the NineteenthCentury (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975); McCaskie, State and Society inPre-Colonial Asante.88 Anthony Giddens, The Nation-State and Violence: Volume Two of a ContemporaryCritique of Historical Materialism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp.48,51 2.89 Ibid., pp.56 7.90 Ibid., p.67; also see Anthony Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of HistoricalMaterialism: Volume One: Power, Property, and the State (Berkeley: University of CaliforniaPress, 1981), pp.49 68, 90 108.91 Mamdani, Citizen and Subject, p.150. 22 Pre-Colonial Africa in Colonial African Narrativesassumptions that supported grasping the African as an object in need oftotal reformation.As Crawford Young remarks, [T]he creation of the Africancolonial state coincided with the historical zenith of virulent racism.The colonialconstruction of the African as savage other permeated all spheres of policythought. The material and psychological violence of racism helped create anexperience of the modern state as an external, predatory force what Youngcalls Bula Matari, crusher of rocks.This helped valorize, wittingly or not, whatYoung calls the integral state: [A] design of perfected hegemony, whereby thestate seeks to achieve unrestricted domination over civil society.Thus unfettered,the state is free to engage in rational pursuit of its design for the future and toreward the ruling class amply for its governance [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]