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.In 1857 the Republicans placated the Know-Nothingsthey had absorbed into their ranks by passing a constitutional amendment makingthe ability to read the state constitution in English and to write one s name neces-sary to vote.In 1859, similarly, the Republicans required naturalized citizens to waittwo additional years to vote.34 Laurie, Beyond Garrison, quotations, 279, 280 81; Mulkern, Know-Nothing Party, 104.Abolitionist Theodore Parker described the 1855 nativist legislature as  the strong-est antislavery body that had ever assembled in the country (Laurie, Beyond Garri-son, 279).Mulkern has said it  outperformed all its predecessors combined in itsresponse to territorial and slavery issues. The Know-Nothing governor vetoed thePersonal Liberty Law, but the legislature overrode his veto a second time; the gov-ernor also prevented the legislature from removing the state probate judge who hadreturned Anthony Burns to South Carolina (Mulkern, Know-Nothing Party, 104 5).For an early study that described the reform dimensions of nativism, see Oscar Han-dlin, Boston s Immigrants, 1790 1880: A Study in Acculturation (Cambridge, Mass.: Har-vard University Press, 1941).35 Mulkern, Know-Nothing Party, 101.36 Ibid., 111, quotation, 107.In contrast to Mulkern, Voss-Hubbard stresses the Know-Notes to Pages 204 6 293 Nothings resemblance to traditional parties in also legislating to promote eco-nomic development, though he credits them with achieving a balance betweenregulation and promotion of business interests (Voss-Hubbard, Beyond Party, 162).37 Formisano, Transformation of Political Culture, 334, 479 (n.37); Mulkern, Know-NothingParty, 105 6.Historians have paid relatively little attention to Know-Nothing gover-nance at the city and town level, but in Massachusetts the nativists expanded localinfrastructures to provide public facilities, such as baths and concert venues, andauthorized localities to lay gas and water mains and to construct highways, bridges,wharves, and other improvements.Municipalities with Know-Nothing leadershipupgraded police and fire protection to new levels (after firing foreigners), and thelegislature reached into public markets to answer ancient complaints about cheat-ing to establish uniform weights and measures for necessities such as coal, milk,and grains.See Mulkern, Know-Nothing Party, 108 9.Frank Towers has argued thatBaltimore Know-Nothings expanded city payrolls to strengthen their electoral ma-chinery and dominate at the polls in  Violence as a Tool of Party Dominance: Elec-tion Riots and the Baltimore Know Nothings, 1854 1860, Maryland Historical Maga-zine 95 (Spring 1998): 9.38 Regarding various nativist laws, see Anbinder, Nativism and Slavery, 136 42.39 Billington, Protestant Crusade, 295 300; Formisano, Birth of Mass Political Parties, 218,234, 256 57; Dale B.Light, Rome and the New Republic: Conflict and Continuity in Phila-delphia Catholicism between the Revolution and the Civil War (Notre Dame, Ind.: Universityof Notre Dame Press, 1996), 316 25.The influence of Know-Nothings in the 1855Michigan legislature registered in a 50 to 9 vote for the  Act Concerning Churches,while it voted for a Personal Liberty Law 40 to 28 (Formisano, Birth of Mass PoliticalParties, 257).Billington notes that the church  suffered less from the church prop-erty laws  than from the controversies that inspired them (Billington, ProtestantCrusade, 300).40 Quotation, Gienapp, Origins of the Republican Party, 196; Anbinder, Nativism and Slavery,135 36.Because they did not want to alienate German Protestant voters, the Ohio-ans also supported equal rights for all foreign-born citizens who were Americanizedand owed no allegiance to any authority higher than the Constitution.Nativists didindeed see themselves as defenders of religious freedom and toleration against theRoman priesthood (Whitney, Defense of the American Policy, 52 103).41 Anbinder, Nativism and Slavery, 142 45, quotation, 142.In Chicago  police and firedepartment reform were closely linked with.the prohibition of liquor (Einhorn,Property Rules, 151).42 Anbinder, Nativism and Slavery, 142 45.43 Bensel, American Ballot Box, 11 (for the  voting window ), 13 14, 20 22 (for controlof polling places).Regarding nativist incivility and violence in Cincinnati againstGerman voters, see Gienapp, Origins of the Republican Party, 196 97 [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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