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.In 1931, the Communist Party established theScottsboro Committee of Chicago, which organized around the Scotts-boro case, in which nine black men were accused of raping two white womenin an Alabama town of the same name.In the same year it established an THE WAY WE WERE 29Unemployed Council, through which it protested the evictions of Chi-cago s unemployed blacks (Tompkins Bates 2001).The Communist Party satypical commitment to interracialism and achieving concrete materialgains won them the support of an eclectic group [of African Americans],which included Republicans, Democrats, black fraternal orders, and someex-members of the all black, Eighth Infantry regiment (Tompkins Bates2001, 112).In addition, the Communist Party boasted the support of thecity s more elite blacks (Drake and Cayton 1993, 736).Although only Wvehundred black Chicagoans joined the party, it enjoyed widespread supportof its mass actions, and those who were members made up half of all blacksin the Communist Party (P.Smith 2000).These campaigns were distinguished not only by the challenge theyposed to discrimination, but by their use of confrontational, collectiveaction techniques.Particularly in the early years of the Depression, blacksused mass meetings, demonstrations, street-corner rallies, and even thethreat of violence to express and press for their demands.As everyday Afri-can Americans became more Xuent in and accepting of direct collectiveaction, so did elites.Over time, these strategies were adopted by the more safe organizations even the Spend Your Money campaign, conven-tional as it was, broke from the tradition of self-help in its use of boycottsand picketing of white businesses.Likewise, the Council of Negro Orga-nizations, established by the conservative NAACP and led by upper andupper-middle-class, middle-aged men and women, was itself organizingdemonstrations in the proletarian style (Drake and Cayton 1993, 738).The Chicago branch of the National Urban League and its afWliate orga-nizations also led pickets and boycott campaigns against nearby dairies,tractor companies, theaters, and telephone companies that discriminatedagainst black workers (Strickland 2001, 132).The widespread adoption ofthese tactics, by both traditional and more radical organizations, re-Xected the decreased popularity of self-help and adjustment strategies forracial advancement.While migration-era elites had sought to make theneighborhood a city within a city (Spear 1967, 91), economic hardshipprompted them to challenge the discriminatory practices that maintainedtheir separation. 30 THE WAY WE WEREWhile collective action strategies weakened the hold of self-help ide-ology, their inXuence was shortlived.The transience of leftist activism waspartly a function of the absence of organizational vehicles able to trans-late poor social conditions into a viable and accessible program (P.Smith2000, 135).While the radical tactics of communists and labor unions wereused by conservative organizations, their adoption was a strategic move bygroups seeking to maintain their legitimacy.Because they were challengedon one hand by the communists and on the other by the racial radicals, the accepted leaders [had] either to accommodate themselves to new tech-niques or give way to men who could do so (Drake and Cayton 1993, 737).The program of the Chicago Urban League exempliWed this ten-dency: the league felt pressure to respond to the increasing radicalism ofboth Black Belt residents and some of its own staff.13 Yet the organizationhad to bear in mind its more conservative white funders.To manage thesecompeting concerns, the league adopted a dual strategy.When dealingwith its white Wnanciers,it placed the image of a social welfare organization using community orga-nization, interracial cooperation, and education to better conditions withinthe Negro community and between the races.If pressure became necessary,it would be exercised through the time-sanctioned practices of petitioning.Among the restless Negro masses, on the other hand, the League wanted tobe known as an organization in the forefront of the Wght for racial advance-ment [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.In 1931, the Communist Party established theScottsboro Committee of Chicago, which organized around the Scotts-boro case, in which nine black men were accused of raping two white womenin an Alabama town of the same name.In the same year it established an THE WAY WE WERE 29Unemployed Council, through which it protested the evictions of Chi-cago s unemployed blacks (Tompkins Bates 2001).The Communist Party satypical commitment to interracialism and achieving concrete materialgains won them the support of an eclectic group [of African Americans],which included Republicans, Democrats, black fraternal orders, and someex-members of the all black, Eighth Infantry regiment (Tompkins Bates2001, 112).In addition, the Communist Party boasted the support of thecity s more elite blacks (Drake and Cayton 1993, 736).Although only Wvehundred black Chicagoans joined the party, it enjoyed widespread supportof its mass actions, and those who were members made up half of all blacksin the Communist Party (P.Smith 2000).These campaigns were distinguished not only by the challenge theyposed to discrimination, but by their use of confrontational, collectiveaction techniques.Particularly in the early years of the Depression, blacksused mass meetings, demonstrations, street-corner rallies, and even thethreat of violence to express and press for their demands.As everyday Afri-can Americans became more Xuent in and accepting of direct collectiveaction, so did elites.Over time, these strategies were adopted by the more safe organizations even the Spend Your Money campaign, conven-tional as it was, broke from the tradition of self-help in its use of boycottsand picketing of white businesses.Likewise, the Council of Negro Orga-nizations, established by the conservative NAACP and led by upper andupper-middle-class, middle-aged men and women, was itself organizingdemonstrations in the proletarian style (Drake and Cayton 1993, 738).The Chicago branch of the National Urban League and its afWliate orga-nizations also led pickets and boycott campaigns against nearby dairies,tractor companies, theaters, and telephone companies that discriminatedagainst black workers (Strickland 2001, 132).The widespread adoption ofthese tactics, by both traditional and more radical organizations, re-Xected the decreased popularity of self-help and adjustment strategies forracial advancement.While migration-era elites had sought to make theneighborhood a city within a city (Spear 1967, 91), economic hardshipprompted them to challenge the discriminatory practices that maintainedtheir separation. 30 THE WAY WE WEREWhile collective action strategies weakened the hold of self-help ide-ology, their inXuence was shortlived.The transience of leftist activism waspartly a function of the absence of organizational vehicles able to trans-late poor social conditions into a viable and accessible program (P.Smith2000, 135).While the radical tactics of communists and labor unions wereused by conservative organizations, their adoption was a strategic move bygroups seeking to maintain their legitimacy.Because they were challengedon one hand by the communists and on the other by the racial radicals, the accepted leaders [had] either to accommodate themselves to new tech-niques or give way to men who could do so (Drake and Cayton 1993, 737).The program of the Chicago Urban League exempliWed this ten-dency: the league felt pressure to respond to the increasing radicalism ofboth Black Belt residents and some of its own staff.13 Yet the organizationhad to bear in mind its more conservative white funders.To manage thesecompeting concerns, the league adopted a dual strategy.When dealingwith its white Wnanciers,it placed the image of a social welfare organization using community orga-nization, interracial cooperation, and education to better conditions withinthe Negro community and between the races.If pressure became necessary,it would be exercised through the time-sanctioned practices of petitioning.Among the restless Negro masses, on the other hand, the League wanted tobe known as an organization in the forefront of the Wght for racial advance-ment [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]