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.Moreover, Tournes frequentlypublished works that made reference to such women.In 1555, he published L’ Art poëtique de Jacques Peletier du Mans, in which Peletier du Mans praises Labé and Lyon in an ode, thus underscoring the sense of her centrality to Lyonnaise literary society,33 and throughout the years that the new querelle was popular, he published several works by Tyard, another staunch defender of women.Additionally, hepublished the Opuscules d’ amour, a collection featuring the attacks on and 28Jones, “Surprising Fame,” 334.29See Jones’s discussion of this exchange in The Currency of Eros, 19–20.30Farrell and Farrell also note that “a pirated edition was printed by a Jan Garous,perhaps of Rouen,” 5.31See Sonnet 13 in which she describes holding her lover as ivy entwines aroundtrees, 128.32See Sonnet 23 in which she asks her absent lover where is the death that wassupposed to mark the end of their love, 134.33See Charles Boy, “Recherches sur la vie et les œuvres de Louise Labé,” Œuvresde Louise Labé, 2: 14.The ode by Peletier du Mans is reprinted in the appendix, “Les contemporains,” 2: 93–4.Louise Labé, l’Imparfaicte Amye105defenses of women that helped to initiate the new round in the querelle.Judging by his choices for publication, Tournes clearly understood his public’s fascinationwith the nature of women, especially that of well-educated women whoparticipated in courtly and literary society, and he hoped to prosper from it.34Of the instigating pamphleteers in the new querelle, Héroët was especiallyinfluential for the writers who styled themselves as traditional defenders ofwomen.Christine Hill and Ferdinand Gohin note that indeed all the young Pléiadespoke of Héroët’s works with great admiration.35 Tyard expressed his admiration inpart through imitation.Pasithée in his Solitaire premier has many attributes of La Parfaicte Amye.She also resembles Sophia, from Leone Ebreo’s Dialoghid’ amore, which Tyard translated and published anonymously in 1551.36 Not incidentally, Solitaire premier (1552) and Leon Hebrieu de l’ amour were published by Tournes, who ultimately published several of his other works,including his Erreurs amoureuses (1549), their Continuation (1551), Erreurs amoureuses, augmentées (1555), and Solitaire second (1555).Tyard’s role as a defender of women in the new querelle no doubt won him approbation from his publisher, as well as the learned ladies of his acquaintance.His participation in salon society in Lyon and Paris brought him into contactwith numerous women writers, including Labé, Du Guillet, and Marguerite duBourg in Lyon,37 and the maréschale de Retz and the women who frequented her salon in Paris.38 He also likely met Madeleine and Catherine des Roches during hisstay in Poitiers with the royal court in 1577.39 He dedicated the second edition of 34As noted in the previous chapter, the popularity of the Querelle des Amyes is further illustrated by the fact that such pamphlets were also printed in approximately eight editions of Le Mespris de la court in Paris between 1544 and 1568 (Hill, introduction to La Parfaicte Amye by Antoine Héroët, xxxi–xxxii).35Hill notes that Du Bellay praises Héroët’s language in his Deffence et Illustration and gives other evidence that Ronsard, Peletier du Mans, and Pasquier also admired his work, vi–vii.See also Ferdinand Gohin, introduction to Antoine Héroët: Œuvres poétiques (Paris: Droz, 1943), vii.36John C.Lapp, introduction to The Universe of Pontus de Tyard (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950), xvii.37Lapp notes that Tyard “must have known Pernette du Guillet and other poetesses.” and adds, “that he welcomed to Bissy learned ladies as well as men is shown by a remark of Le Curieux added in 1578 to the Second Curieux: “Le beautez et bonnes graces qui sortent de ceans nous remettroit facilement en memoire les anges et les belles âmes à l’entour desquelles nostre discours d’hersoir fut arresté” [The beauties and good graces who leave here easily remind us of the angels and beautiful souls around whom our discourse of last evening was set], xxxviii.38Lapp points out that in about 1569, “Pontus joined the admiring group of poetsand littérateurs who frequented the Paris salon of the learned Catherine, Comtesse de Retz,”xx.39See Anne Larsen, introduction, to Les Œuvres, by Madeleine des Roches andCatherine des Roches, Textes Littéraires Français (Genève: Librairie Droz, 1993), 32.106Literary Circles and GenderSolitaire premier to Retz in 1573, and she is thought to be the new Pasithée of whom he speaks in Nouvelles œuvres poétiques (1573).40 While it is easy to understand the designation of Retz as the new Pasithée, with her penchant forPetrarchism and Neoplatonism, as well as her interest in music and her carefulcirculation of her work within a limited circle of intimates, it is somewhat moredifficult to imagine Labé as the early inspiration for Pasithée, as some critics have suggested.Whether or not Labé was the model for Tyard’s early Pasithée has been a long-standing debate.A poetic tribute by Tyard appears in the poems to Labé publishedat the end of her Œuvres in which he praises her “douce magesté,” her eyes, and her rare virtue.41 Abel Jeandet has suggested, based on this sonnet, that Tyard’sPasithée from his Erreurs (1549, 1551, 1554), Solitaire premier ou discours de Muses, and Solitaire second ou discours de la musique (1552) was Labé; however, from his study of Tyard’s works, John C.Lapp deduces that this Pasithée“probably lived in Mâcon and was a noblewoman.”42 He points out that Tyard’ssonnet to Labé appeared in Book III of the Erreurs, with slight variations, before it was published in the Ecrivez de divers poetes à la louenge de L.L.Lionnoise(1555) and that it was “apparently offered as earnest of the poet’s affection forPasithée, despite rival charms, for it is immediately followed by a sonnetcontaining these lines”:Un digne objet, pour me tirer à soy,En sa faveur mon jugement transporte;Mais je suis serf d’affection trop fortePour engager plus que je n’ay de moy.(III, xiii)Lapp argues, “The ‘digne objet’ whose powers he successfully resists is evidentlyLouise Labé.”43 In any case, Tyard seems to have respected Labé’s learning andtalent.Lapp calls them “intimate friend[s].”44 Other critics suggest that Tyard and his fellow anti-reformists, such as Paladin, showed support for Labé in partbecause of Calvin’s denouncement of her, but Tyard was acquainted with herbefore that episode.45 Even so, comparisons of Pasithée’s voice, as it is depicted by Tyard in his Erreurs and his discourses, and Labé’s voice, as it appears in her own writing suggest that more than the poetic marker identified by Lapp stands in the40 Lapp,xx–xxi41See “En contemplacion de D.Louïze Labé,” Œuvres complètes: Sonnets, Elégies,Débat de Folie et d’ Amour, ed.François Rigolot (Paris: Garnier-Flammarion, 1986), 146.42 Lapp,xv.43Lapp, xvi–xvii.See also the “Notice biographique sur Pontus de Tyard,” in LesOeuvres poetiques de Pontus de Tyard by Ch.Marty-Laveax (Genève: Slatkine Reprints, 1970), xv–xvi.44 Lapp,xxxviii.45Boy, 2: 15, 81.Louise Labé, l’Imparfaicte Amye107way of identifying Pasithée with Labé.The sentiments expressed in Labé’s worksand the dedicatory letter that prefaces them provide a case in point [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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