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.Sponsors had to prove they could support the applicants for a specified amount of time by documenting sufficient financial resources.If approved for relocation, some refugees received very basic vocational, acculturation, and language training at an intermediary refugee camp, Phanat Nit Khom, before coming to their new home, but the real work of acculturation started when they arrived in the host country.ResettlementThe challenges of adjusting to life in the United States were central to our conversations on resettlement.Refugees initially relied on the good will of their sponsors to find housing, buy clothing, enroll in English classes, apply for state assistance, and other tasks.For many people, these first months of culture shock stand out in their memory.One young woman described her family’s disorientation upon arriving in wintry Wisconsin:It was a cold winter day when we arrived here and we all weresick because of the climate change.We all had runny noses Iremember.I think it was during [the holidays] because they72Kinship Networks Among Hmong-American Refugeeshad the Christmas stuff up and I remember we were asking“why do they put stuff on trees?” The year was 1985 and wewere donated the same jacket so my whole family had thesame jacket on.Why were Hmong refugees, trained primarily in subsistenceagriculture, from the mountain regions of Laos, placed in northern U.S.urban centers? As mentioned earlier, as part of the U.S.government’s resettlement plan, Indochinese refugees were dispersed across the United States so as not to place an unfair burden on any one state (Rumbaut 1997).Little concern for the needs or desires of the refugees was demonstrated.Vang Pao had originally requested Hmong refugees be provided a large tract of land so they could sustain themselves by farming but this plan was not to be.The policy of dispersion worked, from the point of view of policy makers, for several years because few of the immigrants arriving from Southeast Asia had pre-existing family ties.By the early 1980’s, however, the dispersal patterns began to change as relatives already in the United States were able to serve as sponsors, and kinship ties began to facilitate the concentration of some ethnic groups in specific geographical areas.In fact, kinship ties, whether by blood or marriage, were a primary force behind Hmong migration and relocation after the late 1970s.All of the people I spoke with had rebuilt kinship networks.One man working as a janitor, with a wife and 10 children to support, combined his financial savings with his mother’s and they brought his four sisters and their families over from Thailand, one family at a time.It was clear that many participants felt a responsibility to help relatives relocate to the United States.One young woman described how her paternal aunt had helped start the flow of kin to this country:[The aunt] was married and she had a couple of kids and theywere pretty well off and that is why they could sponsor us.And then after we were here a couple of years, we sponsoredour relatives from Thailand.[After the relatives] fromThailand came, they lived with us in Wausau, and then theones in Green Bay moved back to Wausau too.So now themajority of our close clan relatives are all in Wausau.Rupture and Resilience73As illustrated in the previous narrative, families wanted to be with kin.I found an apparent desire for men to move their families near paternal relative ( kwvtij) clusters as explained in this interview with a young man.I am listed as “J”.We came to California for several months and then wedecided to move to Green Bay because we had more relatives.I guess that is just the way Hmong live their lives, whereverthey have more relatives they will tend to move to that area.J: Were these kwvtij? Your father’s side?Yes.In another interview, a middle-aged man explained how his family moved from a refugee camp in Thailand to Wisconsin Rapids,Wisconsin to live with his wife’s family.Her family had alsosponsored them to come to the United States.After a few years, he decided to move to Menomonie, Wisconsin, to be near extendedpaternal relatives.In this case, he had no immediate family in Menomonie, but a relative in his sub-lineage group was still preferable to the wife’s side ( neejtsa):When we were in Wisconsin Rapids [we lived near the wife’sfamily] and you know Hmong culture, if you live or stay withthem that is what they call no good.J: Right [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.Sponsors had to prove they could support the applicants for a specified amount of time by documenting sufficient financial resources.If approved for relocation, some refugees received very basic vocational, acculturation, and language training at an intermediary refugee camp, Phanat Nit Khom, before coming to their new home, but the real work of acculturation started when they arrived in the host country.ResettlementThe challenges of adjusting to life in the United States were central to our conversations on resettlement.Refugees initially relied on the good will of their sponsors to find housing, buy clothing, enroll in English classes, apply for state assistance, and other tasks.For many people, these first months of culture shock stand out in their memory.One young woman described her family’s disorientation upon arriving in wintry Wisconsin:It was a cold winter day when we arrived here and we all weresick because of the climate change.We all had runny noses Iremember.I think it was during [the holidays] because they72Kinship Networks Among Hmong-American Refugeeshad the Christmas stuff up and I remember we were asking“why do they put stuff on trees?” The year was 1985 and wewere donated the same jacket so my whole family had thesame jacket on.Why were Hmong refugees, trained primarily in subsistenceagriculture, from the mountain regions of Laos, placed in northern U.S.urban centers? As mentioned earlier, as part of the U.S.government’s resettlement plan, Indochinese refugees were dispersed across the United States so as not to place an unfair burden on any one state (Rumbaut 1997).Little concern for the needs or desires of the refugees was demonstrated.Vang Pao had originally requested Hmong refugees be provided a large tract of land so they could sustain themselves by farming but this plan was not to be.The policy of dispersion worked, from the point of view of policy makers, for several years because few of the immigrants arriving from Southeast Asia had pre-existing family ties.By the early 1980’s, however, the dispersal patterns began to change as relatives already in the United States were able to serve as sponsors, and kinship ties began to facilitate the concentration of some ethnic groups in specific geographical areas.In fact, kinship ties, whether by blood or marriage, were a primary force behind Hmong migration and relocation after the late 1970s.All of the people I spoke with had rebuilt kinship networks.One man working as a janitor, with a wife and 10 children to support, combined his financial savings with his mother’s and they brought his four sisters and their families over from Thailand, one family at a time.It was clear that many participants felt a responsibility to help relatives relocate to the United States.One young woman described how her paternal aunt had helped start the flow of kin to this country:[The aunt] was married and she had a couple of kids and theywere pretty well off and that is why they could sponsor us.And then after we were here a couple of years, we sponsoredour relatives from Thailand.[After the relatives] fromThailand came, they lived with us in Wausau, and then theones in Green Bay moved back to Wausau too.So now themajority of our close clan relatives are all in Wausau.Rupture and Resilience73As illustrated in the previous narrative, families wanted to be with kin.I found an apparent desire for men to move their families near paternal relative ( kwvtij) clusters as explained in this interview with a young man.I am listed as “J”.We came to California for several months and then wedecided to move to Green Bay because we had more relatives.I guess that is just the way Hmong live their lives, whereverthey have more relatives they will tend to move to that area.J: Were these kwvtij? Your father’s side?Yes.In another interview, a middle-aged man explained how his family moved from a refugee camp in Thailand to Wisconsin Rapids,Wisconsin to live with his wife’s family.Her family had alsosponsored them to come to the United States.After a few years, he decided to move to Menomonie, Wisconsin, to be near extendedpaternal relatives.In this case, he had no immediate family in Menomonie, but a relative in his sub-lineage group was still preferable to the wife’s side ( neejtsa):When we were in Wisconsin Rapids [we lived near the wife’sfamily] and you know Hmong culture, if you live or stay withthem that is what they call no good.J: Right [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]