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.Women active in labor and civil rights groups participated in campus ac-tivism that emphasized Latino and women s studies programs in college anduniversity curricula.In 1971 they held the first national Chicana conference,which put forth a feminist platform.At times they criticized Mexican Amer-ican men for their attitudes and neglect of women s issues.Reflecting the goals of this emerging movement in the 1960s were fourprominent Mexican American leaders César Chávez, Reies López Tijerina,Rudolpho (Corky) González, and José Angel Guitiérrez committed to end-ing the existing inequalities.The best known of the four was César Chávez.Along with 600 Filipinos and Filipino organizer Larry Itliong, he led Califor-nia s grape pickers on a five-year strike that resulted in higher wages and bet-ter working conditions.Chávez s union lost contracts and workers to theTeamsters Union in 1973 and 1974, only to win most of them back laterwhen California passed a law permitting agricultural workers to unionize.Organization among Mexican American farm workers has been successfulduring a period of increased use of farm machinery, which has meant a lossof jobs in agriculture.Chávez was the first Chicano leader to achieve na-tional prominence, and he became a symbol and a unifying force.Since the 1960s many new organizations and groups have developed: theBrown Berets, the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO), theMexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, and a Congress ofMexican American Unity representing 200 Chicano organizations, all dedi-cated to fostering the goals that the four leaders articulated so well.Thesegroups are now sophisticated in using their political influence.One of themost important is a coalition of 26 Hispanic organizations founded in 1968as the Southwest Council of La Raza and renamed the National Council ofLa Raza in 1973.The council s move to Washington, D.C., in 1970 reflectedits national orientation.Politicians have responded to the growing power of Hispanics.WhereasRichard Nixon appointed fewer than 10 Hispanics to presidential and policypositions in the federal government and Gerald Ford fewer than 25, by mid-1979 Jimmy Carter had appointed nearly 200 Latinos to important manage-rial and judicial posts.Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush, and theRepublican Party generally, paid little attention to Latino concerns despitethe 1988 appointment of Lauro F.Cavazos, the first Hispanic ever to serve ina president s cabinet, as Secretary of Education; but the administration ofBill Clinton was aware that Mexican Americans voted for his party, and heappointed several Latinos to cabinet and other important positions.HenryCisneros became head of the Department of Housing and Urban Develop-ment; Bill Richardson (whose mother was Latino) UN ambassador; and Fe- 142 Newcomers from South of the Borderderico Pena head of the Department of Transportation and later the Depart-ment of Energy.Below these national positions, a number of Latinos began to win electionto state, county, and local offices as well as to Congress.Yet they remainedunderrepresented; in 1999 for example, in California where Latinos were 31percent of the population, they held only 17 of the 80 seats in the state as-sembly and seven of the 40 senatorial seats.But their gains were impressive.In 1986 the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officialsreported that 3,202 Latinos were serving in public office.By 1994 the figurehad increased to 5,459.When Henry B.Gonzalez retired from Congress in 1996 he could look backand see much progress.He had been the first Latino congressman electedfrom Texas.When others joined him, he founded the Congressional HispanicCaucus, which had a record high of 21 members in 1998.In Congress the Cau-cus worked with liberals on matters of concern to Latinos, such as welfareand education.In 1986 the Caucus worked effectively to ensure that the Im-migration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) had a generous amnesty provision,and ten years later, even in a Republican-dominated Congress, it was able tojoin with others to weaken tough bills on immigration.A sign of encouragement for the future of Latino politics is the surge in ap-plications for citizenship, which is needed in order to vote.As immigrantbashing arose in the 1990s and Congress passed a bill denying certain bene-fits to immigrants, Mexican Americans and Latinos generally rushed to be-come American citizens.About a quarter of a million people naturalized in1990, but in 1996 the figure jumped fourfold, and it leaped again in 1997.These new Latino voters overwhelmingly cast their ballots for Bill Clintonand the Democrats.In a sensational upset in Orange County, California in1996, voters threw out archconservative Robert Dornan and replaced himwith Lorreta Sanchez.That same year Cruz Bustamante became the firstLatino speaker of the California assembly.When he won election as lieu-tenant governor in 1998, another Latino, Antonio Villaraigosa, replaced him.In Florida, even the solid Republican vote of Cubans fell off in 1996.AlarmedRepublicans who had used harsh words about immigrants began to take an-other look in early 1997 and agreed to soften some provisions of the immi-gration restriction legislation passed the preceding year.Becoming citizens and getting to the polls were important for political in-fluence.But another issue facing Latinos was the fact that they representeda variety of cultures and nationalities, and their experiences and concernswere not always the same.On the East Coast the differences are especiallynoticeable among the three largest Latino groups: Puerto Ricans, Domini-cans, and Cubans [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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.Women active in labor and civil rights groups participated in campus ac-tivism that emphasized Latino and women s studies programs in college anduniversity curricula.In 1971 they held the first national Chicana conference,which put forth a feminist platform.At times they criticized Mexican Amer-ican men for their attitudes and neglect of women s issues.Reflecting the goals of this emerging movement in the 1960s were fourprominent Mexican American leaders César Chávez, Reies López Tijerina,Rudolpho (Corky) González, and José Angel Guitiérrez committed to end-ing the existing inequalities.The best known of the four was César Chávez.Along with 600 Filipinos and Filipino organizer Larry Itliong, he led Califor-nia s grape pickers on a five-year strike that resulted in higher wages and bet-ter working conditions.Chávez s union lost contracts and workers to theTeamsters Union in 1973 and 1974, only to win most of them back laterwhen California passed a law permitting agricultural workers to unionize.Organization among Mexican American farm workers has been successfulduring a period of increased use of farm machinery, which has meant a lossof jobs in agriculture.Chávez was the first Chicano leader to achieve na-tional prominence, and he became a symbol and a unifying force.Since the 1960s many new organizations and groups have developed: theBrown Berets, the Mexican American Youth Organization (MAYO), theMexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund, and a Congress ofMexican American Unity representing 200 Chicano organizations, all dedi-cated to fostering the goals that the four leaders articulated so well.Thesegroups are now sophisticated in using their political influence.One of themost important is a coalition of 26 Hispanic organizations founded in 1968as the Southwest Council of La Raza and renamed the National Council ofLa Raza in 1973.The council s move to Washington, D.C., in 1970 reflectedits national orientation.Politicians have responded to the growing power of Hispanics.WhereasRichard Nixon appointed fewer than 10 Hispanics to presidential and policypositions in the federal government and Gerald Ford fewer than 25, by mid-1979 Jimmy Carter had appointed nearly 200 Latinos to important manage-rial and judicial posts.Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush, and theRepublican Party generally, paid little attention to Latino concerns despitethe 1988 appointment of Lauro F.Cavazos, the first Hispanic ever to serve ina president s cabinet, as Secretary of Education; but the administration ofBill Clinton was aware that Mexican Americans voted for his party, and heappointed several Latinos to cabinet and other important positions.HenryCisneros became head of the Department of Housing and Urban Develop-ment; Bill Richardson (whose mother was Latino) UN ambassador; and Fe- 142 Newcomers from South of the Borderderico Pena head of the Department of Transportation and later the Depart-ment of Energy.Below these national positions, a number of Latinos began to win electionto state, county, and local offices as well as to Congress.Yet they remainedunderrepresented; in 1999 for example, in California where Latinos were 31percent of the population, they held only 17 of the 80 seats in the state as-sembly and seven of the 40 senatorial seats.But their gains were impressive.In 1986 the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officialsreported that 3,202 Latinos were serving in public office.By 1994 the figurehad increased to 5,459.When Henry B.Gonzalez retired from Congress in 1996 he could look backand see much progress.He had been the first Latino congressman electedfrom Texas.When others joined him, he founded the Congressional HispanicCaucus, which had a record high of 21 members in 1998.In Congress the Cau-cus worked with liberals on matters of concern to Latinos, such as welfareand education.In 1986 the Caucus worked effectively to ensure that the Im-migration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) had a generous amnesty provision,and ten years later, even in a Republican-dominated Congress, it was able tojoin with others to weaken tough bills on immigration.A sign of encouragement for the future of Latino politics is the surge in ap-plications for citizenship, which is needed in order to vote.As immigrantbashing arose in the 1990s and Congress passed a bill denying certain bene-fits to immigrants, Mexican Americans and Latinos generally rushed to be-come American citizens.About a quarter of a million people naturalized in1990, but in 1996 the figure jumped fourfold, and it leaped again in 1997.These new Latino voters overwhelmingly cast their ballots for Bill Clintonand the Democrats.In a sensational upset in Orange County, California in1996, voters threw out archconservative Robert Dornan and replaced himwith Lorreta Sanchez.That same year Cruz Bustamante became the firstLatino speaker of the California assembly.When he won election as lieu-tenant governor in 1998, another Latino, Antonio Villaraigosa, replaced him.In Florida, even the solid Republican vote of Cubans fell off in 1996.AlarmedRepublicans who had used harsh words about immigrants began to take an-other look in early 1997 and agreed to soften some provisions of the immi-gration restriction legislation passed the preceding year.Becoming citizens and getting to the polls were important for political in-fluence.But another issue facing Latinos was the fact that they representeda variety of cultures and nationalities, and their experiences and concernswere not always the same.On the East Coast the differences are especiallynoticeable among the three largest Latino groups: Puerto Ricans, Domini-cans, and Cubans [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]