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.By 1952, the presidential election brought not only a military general to theWhite House, but a general who had also experienced and championed thepractice of propaganda during wartime.2 Only months before his death,Dwight D.Eisenhower still referred to the directorship of the United StatesInformation Agency (USIA) as one of the most important jobs in the entireUnited States Government. 3 Not unexpectedly, then, this general-turned-president completed what Truman started.He institutionalized a milita-rized vision of the propaganda program with the president acting as its com-mander-in-chief, expanding the rhetorical powers of the presidency in theprocess.It is not surprising that the enhanced use of propaganda by the U.S.gov-ernment mirrors the development of the rhetorical presidency: both requirean appreciation for the power of persuasion; both serve to bolster the power 184 Conclusionof the presidency; and both target larger publics, lessening congressional in-volvement in foreign policy matters especially.Jeffrey K.Tulis maintainsthat twentieth century presidents speak to the people more than their nineteenth-century predecessors, as they defend themselves publicly.promote policy initiatives nationwide, and.inspirit the population. 4 TheTruman and Eisenhower administrations move, though, to more secret op-erations provided presidential administrations a much more covert meansof rhetorical influence.Technological sophistication and classified execu-tive orders increased the available modes of communication capable of ser-vicing the president,5 expanding the parameters of the rhetorical presidencyto include more hidden hand communication tactics.6 The public prolif-eration of presidential policies so vital to the rhetorical effectiveness of apresidential administration,7 could now be conducted by various institu-tions and individuals, whose articulation of the same themes could perpetu-ate an illusion of widespread consensus.Certainly, Eisenhower s Chancefor Peace and Atoms for Peace campaigns demonstrate just how coordi-nated, centralized, and covert such presidentially inspired messages couldactually become.Even though scholars have increased attention devoted to the expansionof rhetorical leadership by twentieth-century presidents,8 many overlookthe changes that the presidential administrations of Harry S.Truman andDwight D.Eisenhower brought to the rhetorical presidency.When intro-ducing the concept of the rhetorical presidency in 1981, James W.Ceaseret al.address the rhetorical influences of such presidents as Theodore Roo-sevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D.Roosevelt, John F.Kennedy, RichardNixon, and Jimmy Carter.9 Jeffrey K.Tulis offers a similar focus yet ac-knowledges the work of Lyndon Johnson;10 others also point to RonaldReagan s persuasive prowess,11 as well Bill Clinton s rhetorical acumen.12In very recent scholarship on the subject, Truman and Eisenhower were vir-tually ignored by Richard J.Ellis and his colleagues in their historical re-view of the rhetorical presidency.13 Philip Abbott barely mentions thecountry s first two Cold War presidents in his work about presidential lead-ership.Even though Abbott notes Truman s alleged spiritedness, neitherTruman nor Eisenhower were identified as one of the author s elevenpoet-presidents. 14 Fred I.Greenstein s hidden-hand thesis did not even in-spire political scientists to reassess their attention to Eisenhower s rhetori-cal actions.15What both Truman and Eisenhower bring to an understanding of the rhe-torical presidency is the way in which covert actions expand, supplement,and supplant the bully pulpit, transforming and enhancing the presiden-tial-rhetorical paradigm.Bruce E.Gronbeck argues that the age of second- [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.By 1952, the presidential election brought not only a military general to theWhite House, but a general who had also experienced and championed thepractice of propaganda during wartime.2 Only months before his death,Dwight D.Eisenhower still referred to the directorship of the United StatesInformation Agency (USIA) as one of the most important jobs in the entireUnited States Government. 3 Not unexpectedly, then, this general-turned-president completed what Truman started.He institutionalized a milita-rized vision of the propaganda program with the president acting as its com-mander-in-chief, expanding the rhetorical powers of the presidency in theprocess.It is not surprising that the enhanced use of propaganda by the U.S.gov-ernment mirrors the development of the rhetorical presidency: both requirean appreciation for the power of persuasion; both serve to bolster the power 184 Conclusionof the presidency; and both target larger publics, lessening congressional in-volvement in foreign policy matters especially.Jeffrey K.Tulis maintainsthat twentieth century presidents speak to the people more than their nineteenth-century predecessors, as they defend themselves publicly.promote policy initiatives nationwide, and.inspirit the population. 4 TheTruman and Eisenhower administrations move, though, to more secret op-erations provided presidential administrations a much more covert meansof rhetorical influence.Technological sophistication and classified execu-tive orders increased the available modes of communication capable of ser-vicing the president,5 expanding the parameters of the rhetorical presidencyto include more hidden hand communication tactics.6 The public prolif-eration of presidential policies so vital to the rhetorical effectiveness of apresidential administration,7 could now be conducted by various institu-tions and individuals, whose articulation of the same themes could perpetu-ate an illusion of widespread consensus.Certainly, Eisenhower s Chancefor Peace and Atoms for Peace campaigns demonstrate just how coordi-nated, centralized, and covert such presidentially inspired messages couldactually become.Even though scholars have increased attention devoted to the expansionof rhetorical leadership by twentieth-century presidents,8 many overlookthe changes that the presidential administrations of Harry S.Truman andDwight D.Eisenhower brought to the rhetorical presidency.When intro-ducing the concept of the rhetorical presidency in 1981, James W.Ceaseret al.address the rhetorical influences of such presidents as Theodore Roo-sevelt, Woodrow Wilson, Franklin D.Roosevelt, John F.Kennedy, RichardNixon, and Jimmy Carter.9 Jeffrey K.Tulis offers a similar focus yet ac-knowledges the work of Lyndon Johnson;10 others also point to RonaldReagan s persuasive prowess,11 as well Bill Clinton s rhetorical acumen.12In very recent scholarship on the subject, Truman and Eisenhower were vir-tually ignored by Richard J.Ellis and his colleagues in their historical re-view of the rhetorical presidency.13 Philip Abbott barely mentions thecountry s first two Cold War presidents in his work about presidential lead-ership.Even though Abbott notes Truman s alleged spiritedness, neitherTruman nor Eisenhower were identified as one of the author s elevenpoet-presidents. 14 Fred I.Greenstein s hidden-hand thesis did not even in-spire political scientists to reassess their attention to Eisenhower s rhetori-cal actions.15What both Truman and Eisenhower bring to an understanding of the rhe-torical presidency is the way in which covert actions expand, supplement,and supplant the bully pulpit, transforming and enhancing the presiden-tial-rhetorical paradigm.Bruce E.Gronbeck argues that the age of second- [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]