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.Theterminology chosen reflects the will and perceptions of the observer as well asthe objective circumstances that arguably call for a relabeling of reality.Thecounterintuitive irony present in this analysis of globalization is that the morehopeful interpretation of its evolution now relies on the social and normativereinvigoration of the state, but not on its militarist revival.32 More pessimisticlines of thinking anticipate the decisive weakening of the state or itsremilitarization as assessed from either a humanistic perspective of global publicgoods or from a more Westphalian perspective of the well-being of the territorialcitizenry.It should be understood that this qualified endorsement of a renewal of the strong state as the basis of regulating global market operations should notbe confused with support for the military and coercive dimensions of state power.As the current approach of the United States Government suggests, high-intensity militarization is quite consistent with an ardent embrace of neoliberalideology with regard to state/society relations.This deadly combination ofmilitarism and globalization has been pursued all along by the United States,most explicitly in the aftermath of September 11, and is epitomized by themilitarization of space and the establishment of regional military commands thatencompass the globe.What seems evident is that globalization conveniently encodes theconfluence of empirical trends that dominated the political imagination of theyears following the collapse of the Soviet Union.Whether these trends wouldhave been better interpreted as establishing a new structure of interaction orinvolve merely a modification of the old structure now seems irrelevant, and wasalways an essentially unresolvable debate.As the next section argues, from anormative perspective of human values and from an empirical perspective of likelyprospects, some of the more familiar projections of post-Westphalian outcomesare best treated as dead ends.Their advocacy is regressive in relation to theripening goal of envisioning and realizing humane global governance as apractical and indispensable political project.The most profound challenge to the political and moral imagination at thepresent time is to depict a post-Westphalian scenario that is sufficiently rooted in 20 " THE DECLINING WORLD ORDERemergent trends to engender widespread hope and mobilize social forces on behalfof such a commitment.Of course, as should be evident, not all post-Westphalianforms of world order are being pursued by those seeking peace, sustainability,human rights, and global community the main elements of what is hereidentified as humane global governance. A post-Westphalian world organizedaround short-term market forces with ever-widening gaps, deepening pockets ofpoverty, numerous black holes consisting of collapsed governance structures,and control mechanisms dominated by increasingly sophisticated technology atthe disposal of elites serving the interests of business/finance.Other post-Westphalian dysutopias that need to be taken seriously involveintensifying trends toward religious and ethnic exclusivism as the claimed basisfor fulfilling a right of self-determination and an array of chauvinistic backlashesthat seek to hijack government to carry out an anti-immigrant agenda.Ofunquestionable significance, as well, is the rise of megaterrorism, allowingnonstate actors to become geopolitical players without having a discernibleterritorial base of legitimate operations.This challenge to the established worldorder strengthens the hand of those that insist on an integrated structure of globalsecurity, the practical effect of which is to provide a rationale for thereorganization of world order in the form of a post-Westphalian global empireadministered by the United States, itself converted into a new hybrid politicalcreature, at once the leading and most sovereignty-oriented territorial state andthe nonterritorial overlord of the world.As of 2004, it is uncertain whether thisencounter is an epiphenomenal disruption of the globalization scenario, whichcould pass from the scene with the withering away of al Qaeda and the removalfrom power in the United States of the reactionary cabal that has shaped foreignpolicy for the Bush administration since September 11.Four Post-Westphalian Dead EndsIt is important to exclude certain commonly discussed post-Westphalianscenarios as essentially unattainable or undesirable, or both [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.Theterminology chosen reflects the will and perceptions of the observer as well asthe objective circumstances that arguably call for a relabeling of reality.Thecounterintuitive irony present in this analysis of globalization is that the morehopeful interpretation of its evolution now relies on the social and normativereinvigoration of the state, but not on its militarist revival.32 More pessimisticlines of thinking anticipate the decisive weakening of the state or itsremilitarization as assessed from either a humanistic perspective of global publicgoods or from a more Westphalian perspective of the well-being of the territorialcitizenry.It should be understood that this qualified endorsement of a renewal of the strong state as the basis of regulating global market operations should notbe confused with support for the military and coercive dimensions of state power.As the current approach of the United States Government suggests, high-intensity militarization is quite consistent with an ardent embrace of neoliberalideology with regard to state/society relations.This deadly combination ofmilitarism and globalization has been pursued all along by the United States,most explicitly in the aftermath of September 11, and is epitomized by themilitarization of space and the establishment of regional military commands thatencompass the globe.What seems evident is that globalization conveniently encodes theconfluence of empirical trends that dominated the political imagination of theyears following the collapse of the Soviet Union.Whether these trends wouldhave been better interpreted as establishing a new structure of interaction orinvolve merely a modification of the old structure now seems irrelevant, and wasalways an essentially unresolvable debate.As the next section argues, from anormative perspective of human values and from an empirical perspective of likelyprospects, some of the more familiar projections of post-Westphalian outcomesare best treated as dead ends.Their advocacy is regressive in relation to theripening goal of envisioning and realizing humane global governance as apractical and indispensable political project.The most profound challenge to the political and moral imagination at thepresent time is to depict a post-Westphalian scenario that is sufficiently rooted in 20 " THE DECLINING WORLD ORDERemergent trends to engender widespread hope and mobilize social forces on behalfof such a commitment.Of course, as should be evident, not all post-Westphalianforms of world order are being pursued by those seeking peace, sustainability,human rights, and global community the main elements of what is hereidentified as humane global governance. A post-Westphalian world organizedaround short-term market forces with ever-widening gaps, deepening pockets ofpoverty, numerous black holes consisting of collapsed governance structures,and control mechanisms dominated by increasingly sophisticated technology atthe disposal of elites serving the interests of business/finance.Other post-Westphalian dysutopias that need to be taken seriously involveintensifying trends toward religious and ethnic exclusivism as the claimed basisfor fulfilling a right of self-determination and an array of chauvinistic backlashesthat seek to hijack government to carry out an anti-immigrant agenda.Ofunquestionable significance, as well, is the rise of megaterrorism, allowingnonstate actors to become geopolitical players without having a discernibleterritorial base of legitimate operations.This challenge to the established worldorder strengthens the hand of those that insist on an integrated structure of globalsecurity, the practical effect of which is to provide a rationale for thereorganization of world order in the form of a post-Westphalian global empireadministered by the United States, itself converted into a new hybrid politicalcreature, at once the leading and most sovereignty-oriented territorial state andthe nonterritorial overlord of the world.As of 2004, it is uncertain whether thisencounter is an epiphenomenal disruption of the globalization scenario, whichcould pass from the scene with the withering away of al Qaeda and the removalfrom power in the United States of the reactionary cabal that has shaped foreignpolicy for the Bush administration since September 11.Four Post-Westphalian Dead EndsIt is important to exclude certain commonly discussed post-Westphalianscenarios as essentially unattainable or undesirable, or both [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]