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.29.Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the UnitedStates: From the 1960s to the 1980s (New York: Routledge, 1986).30.Susan Alva, quoted in Patrick McDonnell, March Just a First Step,Latino Leaders Say, Los Angeles Times, June 4, 1994, B2.Latina/o youth, inparticular, mobilized against what they saw as an attack on Latinas/os.Amy Pyleand Simon Romero, Proposition 187 Fuels a New Campus Activism, LosAngeles Times, October 25, 1994, B1, B8.See also Mike Davis, The Social Ori-gins of the Referendum, NACLA Report on the Americas 29 (November/December 1995): 24 28; Kent Ono and John Sloop, Shifting Borders: Rhetoric,Immigration and California s Proposition 187 (Philadelphia: Temple Univer-sity Press, 2002); Otto Santa Ana, Brown Tide Rising: Metaphors of Latinos inContemporary American Public Discourse (Austin: University of Texas Press,2002).31.Poorer Blacks were more likely to oppose the initiative than wealthyones.Irwin Morris, African American Voting on Proposition 187: Rethinkingthe Prevalence of Interminority Conflict, Political Research Quarterly 53(2000): 77 89.32.Although the majority of Black and Asian American voters supportedProposition 187, their percentages were somewhat less than the percentage ofwhite voters who did (57 and 56 percent vs.64 percent).Philip Martin, Propo-sition 187 in California, International Migration Review 29 (1995): 255 63.252 / NOTES TO PAGES 30 31Nevertheless, the extent of Asian American support is significant and under-scores this population s ambiguous racial position.Consider, for example, that in1990 72 percent of the Asian American population in Los Angeles were foreignborn but only about half of the Latina/o population was.Paul Ong and TaniaAzores, Asian Immigrants in Los Angeles: Diversity and Divisions, in The NewAsian Immigration in Los Angeles and Global Restructuring, ed.Paul Ong, EdnaBonacich, and Lucie Cheng (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 100129.Ono and Sloop suggest that one reason for the limited attack onAsian/Pacific Islanders was that the model minority image helped to renderthem less problematic while at the same time it helped to demonize Latinas/os(Ono and Sloop, Shifting Borders, 162).Despite widespread prejudice towardAsian Americans in Southern California, these attitudes were overwhelmed byanti-Mexican sentiment.Indeed, there is evidence that anti-Mexican prejudicecontributed toward anti-immigrant sentiment and Proposition 187.See WayneCornelius, Ambivalent Reception, in Latinos: Remaking America, ed.MarceloSuárez-Orozco and Mariela Páez (Berkeley: University of California Press,2002), 165 89; Yueh-Ting Lee, Victor Ottati, and Imtiaz Hussain, Attitudestoward Illegal Immigration into the United States: California Proposition 187,Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 23 (2001): 430 43; Rivera, Asians Say.33.Charles Tilly has noted that such efforts create consolidated identitiesand narratives among social movements. From Interactions to Outcomes inSocial Movements, in How Social Movements Matter, ed.Marco Giugni, DougMcAdam, and Charles Tilly (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,1999), 263.For an insightful critique of resistance research, see Charles Mont-gomery, The Trap of Race and Memory, American Quarterly 52 (2000): 483.34.For a critique of Chicana/o scholarship on activism, see GregoryRodriguez, Taking the Oath: Why We Need a Revisionist History of Latinos inAmerica, Los Angeles Times, August 20, 2000.35.A classic study on why people do not rebel is John Gaventa s Power andPowerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley (Urbana:University of Illinois Press, 1980).36.Self-hate is a form of hegemonic thinking in which individuals fromoppressed communities not only adopt the commonsense discourse but alsoassume the hostility directed toward their people and turn it on themselves andtheir community.In my own experience, for example, I have relatives whodespise Mexicans, especially Mexican immigrants, who are an all-too-painfulreminder of who they are and where they come from.The price of self-hateamong oppressed groups is potentially devastating [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]
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.29.Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the UnitedStates: From the 1960s to the 1980s (New York: Routledge, 1986).30.Susan Alva, quoted in Patrick McDonnell, March Just a First Step,Latino Leaders Say, Los Angeles Times, June 4, 1994, B2.Latina/o youth, inparticular, mobilized against what they saw as an attack on Latinas/os.Amy Pyleand Simon Romero, Proposition 187 Fuels a New Campus Activism, LosAngeles Times, October 25, 1994, B1, B8.See also Mike Davis, The Social Ori-gins of the Referendum, NACLA Report on the Americas 29 (November/December 1995): 24 28; Kent Ono and John Sloop, Shifting Borders: Rhetoric,Immigration and California s Proposition 187 (Philadelphia: Temple Univer-sity Press, 2002); Otto Santa Ana, Brown Tide Rising: Metaphors of Latinos inContemporary American Public Discourse (Austin: University of Texas Press,2002).31.Poorer Blacks were more likely to oppose the initiative than wealthyones.Irwin Morris, African American Voting on Proposition 187: Rethinkingthe Prevalence of Interminority Conflict, Political Research Quarterly 53(2000): 77 89.32.Although the majority of Black and Asian American voters supportedProposition 187, their percentages were somewhat less than the percentage ofwhite voters who did (57 and 56 percent vs.64 percent).Philip Martin, Propo-sition 187 in California, International Migration Review 29 (1995): 255 63.252 / NOTES TO PAGES 30 31Nevertheless, the extent of Asian American support is significant and under-scores this population s ambiguous racial position.Consider, for example, that in1990 72 percent of the Asian American population in Los Angeles were foreignborn but only about half of the Latina/o population was.Paul Ong and TaniaAzores, Asian Immigrants in Los Angeles: Diversity and Divisions, in The NewAsian Immigration in Los Angeles and Global Restructuring, ed.Paul Ong, EdnaBonacich, and Lucie Cheng (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 100129.Ono and Sloop suggest that one reason for the limited attack onAsian/Pacific Islanders was that the model minority image helped to renderthem less problematic while at the same time it helped to demonize Latinas/os(Ono and Sloop, Shifting Borders, 162).Despite widespread prejudice towardAsian Americans in Southern California, these attitudes were overwhelmed byanti-Mexican sentiment.Indeed, there is evidence that anti-Mexican prejudicecontributed toward anti-immigrant sentiment and Proposition 187.See WayneCornelius, Ambivalent Reception, in Latinos: Remaking America, ed.MarceloSuárez-Orozco and Mariela Páez (Berkeley: University of California Press,2002), 165 89; Yueh-Ting Lee, Victor Ottati, and Imtiaz Hussain, Attitudestoward Illegal Immigration into the United States: California Proposition 187,Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 23 (2001): 430 43; Rivera, Asians Say.33.Charles Tilly has noted that such efforts create consolidated identitiesand narratives among social movements. From Interactions to Outcomes inSocial Movements, in How Social Movements Matter, ed.Marco Giugni, DougMcAdam, and Charles Tilly (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press,1999), 263.For an insightful critique of resistance research, see Charles Mont-gomery, The Trap of Race and Memory, American Quarterly 52 (2000): 483.34.For a critique of Chicana/o scholarship on activism, see GregoryRodriguez, Taking the Oath: Why We Need a Revisionist History of Latinos inAmerica, Los Angeles Times, August 20, 2000.35.A classic study on why people do not rebel is John Gaventa s Power andPowerlessness: Quiescence and Rebellion in an Appalachian Valley (Urbana:University of Illinois Press, 1980).36.Self-hate is a form of hegemonic thinking in which individuals fromoppressed communities not only adopt the commonsense discourse but alsoassume the hostility directed toward their people and turn it on themselves andtheir community.In my own experience, for example, I have relatives whodespise Mexicans, especially Mexican immigrants, who are an all-too-painfulreminder of who they are and where they come from.The price of self-hateamong oppressed groups is potentially devastating [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]