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.The loosely integrated threads ofNew Times are an attempt to diagnose and cure this crisis by delineating thenew social terrain on which the left must fight if it is not to be politicallymarginalized.(Clarke 1991: 155)If political marginalization was to be resisted it was clear this new social terraincould no longer be mapped solely through the discourses of class.1It is not only under the heading of New Times that issues of class began to benudged aside in response to new historical conditions.As Patrick Wright (1985)had suggested it would, the New Right s capture of the discursive territory ofnational identity, its vigorous blending of the values of a hypercapitalist enter-prise culture with signifiers of heritage, regenerated debates about definitions ofthe nation.In contemporary Britain the new enterprise culture perfected the artof using specific constructions of the national past as alibis for policy initiativesin the present:[T]he new Conservatism has made its own particular and ambitious contri-bution to the process of restructuring Great Britain.Through a number ofdifferent and sometimes conflicting strategies, it has at once challenged,popularized and commodified the values of a more ancient, patrician andrural Conservatism.At the same time, it has selected and projected a newvision of Britain, a new heritage, rooted in the memory of the great industrialentrepreneurs of the nineteenth century.A complex and purposefully selec-tive process of historical recollection is apparent in this project, whichinvolves reviving the ideals of eighteenth century free-market capitalism, forpopular participation and consumption in the age of multinational corpora-tions, but through a celebration of the values of the Victorian age.(Corner and Harvey 1991: 14)The essays in Corner and Harvey s Enterprise and Heritage (1991) examine thepotentially contradictory partnership between enterprise and heritage, interro-gating the interests served by such developments as that of the Docklands in East200 POLI TI CSLondon.Underpinning the collection is the benefit of cultural studies longengagement with cultural policy and planning, evident in the essay by FrancoBianchini and Hermann Schwengel on the inner city and by Ken Worpole onnew forms of leisure provision in urban centres.The retreat from politicsGiven the regular appearance of such unequivocally political projects asEnterprise and Heritage and The Hard Road to Renewal, it is curious howfrequently cultural studies gradual and slight withdrawal from a predominantlyclass-based analysis has been described as a retreat from politics.For somecommentators, cultural studies has compromised itself by becoming institution-ally respectable; it is now a legitimate professional destination for academics andgraduate students.For others, the self-doubt implicit in the discourses of NewTimes and the conservatism lurking in British cultural studies resistance to post-modernism must be read as signs of political exhaustion.Valda Blundell et al. s(1993) Canadian collection Relocating Cultural Studies offers such a reading:Cultural studies scholarship in the 1980s and 1990s has thus not surprisinglyreoriented itself away from the celebration of resistance in much Englishwork of the 1970s.Diversified politically over and above responses to thenew geocultural circumstances of the USA, Australia and Canada, it haseither become less political, treating textual processes (processes to do withthe way in which literate, visual and oral aural cultural forms signify or havemeaning ) as more aesthetic than political in a postmodernist vein, or alter-natively has kept alive a sense of politics in respect, primarily, of institutionaland policy debates.(Blundell et al.1993: 9)The second alternative foregrounds the role of cultural studies in policydebates, an issue which is perhaps livelier and more current in Australia andCanada than in Britain (see Tony Bennett s (1992) essay and the ensuing discus-sion in Grossberg et al.1992) [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]
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.The loosely integrated threads ofNew Times are an attempt to diagnose and cure this crisis by delineating thenew social terrain on which the left must fight if it is not to be politicallymarginalized.(Clarke 1991: 155)If political marginalization was to be resisted it was clear this new social terraincould no longer be mapped solely through the discourses of class.1It is not only under the heading of New Times that issues of class began to benudged aside in response to new historical conditions.As Patrick Wright (1985)had suggested it would, the New Right s capture of the discursive territory ofnational identity, its vigorous blending of the values of a hypercapitalist enter-prise culture with signifiers of heritage, regenerated debates about definitions ofthe nation.In contemporary Britain the new enterprise culture perfected the artof using specific constructions of the national past as alibis for policy initiativesin the present:[T]he new Conservatism has made its own particular and ambitious contri-bution to the process of restructuring Great Britain.Through a number ofdifferent and sometimes conflicting strategies, it has at once challenged,popularized and commodified the values of a more ancient, patrician andrural Conservatism.At the same time, it has selected and projected a newvision of Britain, a new heritage, rooted in the memory of the great industrialentrepreneurs of the nineteenth century.A complex and purposefully selec-tive process of historical recollection is apparent in this project, whichinvolves reviving the ideals of eighteenth century free-market capitalism, forpopular participation and consumption in the age of multinational corpora-tions, but through a celebration of the values of the Victorian age.(Corner and Harvey 1991: 14)The essays in Corner and Harvey s Enterprise and Heritage (1991) examine thepotentially contradictory partnership between enterprise and heritage, interro-gating the interests served by such developments as that of the Docklands in East200 POLI TI CSLondon.Underpinning the collection is the benefit of cultural studies longengagement with cultural policy and planning, evident in the essay by FrancoBianchini and Hermann Schwengel on the inner city and by Ken Worpole onnew forms of leisure provision in urban centres.The retreat from politicsGiven the regular appearance of such unequivocally political projects asEnterprise and Heritage and The Hard Road to Renewal, it is curious howfrequently cultural studies gradual and slight withdrawal from a predominantlyclass-based analysis has been described as a retreat from politics.For somecommentators, cultural studies has compromised itself by becoming institution-ally respectable; it is now a legitimate professional destination for academics andgraduate students.For others, the self-doubt implicit in the discourses of NewTimes and the conservatism lurking in British cultural studies resistance to post-modernism must be read as signs of political exhaustion.Valda Blundell et al. s(1993) Canadian collection Relocating Cultural Studies offers such a reading:Cultural studies scholarship in the 1980s and 1990s has thus not surprisinglyreoriented itself away from the celebration of resistance in much Englishwork of the 1970s.Diversified politically over and above responses to thenew geocultural circumstances of the USA, Australia and Canada, it haseither become less political, treating textual processes (processes to do withthe way in which literate, visual and oral aural cultural forms signify or havemeaning ) as more aesthetic than political in a postmodernist vein, or alter-natively has kept alive a sense of politics in respect, primarily, of institutionaland policy debates.(Blundell et al.1993: 9)The second alternative foregrounds the role of cultural studies in policydebates, an issue which is perhaps livelier and more current in Australia andCanada than in Britain (see Tony Bennett s (1992) essay and the ensuing discus-sion in Grossberg et al.1992) [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]